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La
Commune - The Film Press Review
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Photographs by Corina Paltrinieri
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The
Boston Phoenix (Wed, Jun. 05 2002)
Broken
barricades
La
Commune is history in the making BY CHRIS FUJIWARA
ACKNOWLEDGING
THE CAMERA: Watkin's actors pursue a double life as both actor and
character
The
Paris Commune is a touchstone in the history of democracy. On March
26, 1871, still defiant after enduring five months of a Prussian
siege, and refusing to accept the terms of the surrender negotiated
by the French national government, the citizens of Paris voted for
self-government. They formed a new municipal council - the Commune
- comprising delegates from various backgrounds, including substantial
numbers of manual workers and representatives of the labor movement
as well as members of the middle class.
The
Commune passed several reforms: rents that had gone unpaid during
the period were cancelled; a three-year delay was granted for the
payment of outstanding bills; unemployment exchanges were set up;
night work for bakers was abolished; trade unions and workers' cooperatives
were allowed to take over and restart factories that had been deserted
by their owners; workers who had pawned their tools during the siege
were allowed to retrieve them at no charge. The education system
was freed from church control, and committees were formed to improve
women's education.
On
May 21, government troops re-entered Paris, storming through the
Communards' street barricades and massacring the defenders. The
massacres continued even after the total collapse of the Commune.
Between 20,000 and 30,000 Parisians were killed over the course
of what became known as "the bloody week."
A
popular movement that didn't have the time or the conditions to
become a revolution, the Commune was organized anarchically, without
central authority and without coordination of military activities.
It was less a government than a series of improvisations seeking
to discover a new society and new forms of social administration.
Peter
Watkins's stunning six-hour La Commune (Paris, 1871) captures the
spirit of its subject. The film was shot in an abandoned factory
redesigned as a set of mutually connecting spaces whose status as
interior or exterior is uncertain. The overheated atmosphere of
heightened unreality brings to mind the ceilinged open spaces of
another great film about French democracy, Jean Renoir's Diary of
a Chambermaid. Acknowledging the camera, Watkins's actors (playing
both historical and fictional roles) don't so much step out of character
as pursue a double life as both actor and character. In the film's
second half, historical re-creations and invented but plausible
situations give way increasingly to scenes in which the actors,
remaining in their 1871 costumes but speaking as people of 1999,
analyze the lessons and legacy of the Commune and discuss how society
has changed in the intervening 128 years.
One
of the film's main conceits is to have two rival TV networks - one
pro-Commune and the other pro-national government - cover the events.
The anachronism is a push-pull device that's meant both to help
us put ourselves in the period and to get us to question how the
media function today.
La
Commune was shot in 13 days - a rapid schedule for a normal feature
and amazing for a six-hour film. Its best moments convey the frayed-nerves
extremity everyone involved must have felt. And the sense of excessive
haste suits the subject. The Paris Commune lasted only some 60 days.
Watching Watkins's film, you are always aware of this time limit
looming at the other end of the adventure. He uses the time limit
as a source of energy.
The
film's best scenes come in its first and last hours. There's the
tremendous, stirring long take in which the camera rushes after
a group of Montmartre women into a square where they face government
troops sent to seize the Parisians' artillery. There's the long
Women's Union meeting in which the actors debate work and free time.
And the fight-to-the-death scenes at the barricades, where the actors
are asked "What would you do today?" or are pressed to defend their
characters' actions.
Peter
Watkins's approach to history is to make its representation coincide
with reflection on it, to film, together with the re-enactment,
the idea - what history means for us today. He refuses to separate
the act of filming from the historical event, with its causes, effects,
and implications, or from the speech and gestures with which the
actors reinfuse the event with life, or from the participants' meditations
on the meaning of the past for the present. The togetherness of
all these elements is La Commune. I mean a complete fusion. I'm
not just using this as a metaphor or an easy shorthand. As you watch
La Commune, it becomes impossible and senseless to distinguish between
present and representation. The film becomes a lucid dream: history
as reinvented by and for the living.
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Review
by Chris Fujiwara 
Who wouldn't want to watch a 6-hour film about the Paris Commune?
Let's see a show of hands... OK, let me put it another way. The
Paris Commune was a two-month experiment in direct democracy that
took place in 1871 before it was bloodily crushed by a national
government intent on restoring a favorable business climate. Among
the Commune's reforms: amnesty on unpaid rents, abolition of night
work for bakers, expropriation of abandoned factories, establishment
of lay education and improvement of education for women.
Peter
Watkins, the director of the '60s classics The War Game and Privilege,
shot La Commune in 13 days in a disused factory on the outskirts
of Paris in 1999. It's a historical film in which events are reenacted
with something like verisimilitude, but the actors also step out
of their roles to discuss the disaster of globalization and what
the Commune means today. And Watkins's 1871 Paris has two TV networks
that report on events from viewpoints pro- and anti-Commune.
The
film is frenzied, encyclopedic, urgent, euphoric, experimental.
In the ribbon-like long-take mise-en-scene, multiple actions and
conversations overlap in aimless communicating space-a ceilinged
simulacrum of public space, hot light coming down from above and
smoke machines on almost constantly. Like other films that use long
duration, La Commune asks to be experienced, not just perceived.
From a Situationist text: "Theoreticians who examine the history
of this movement from a divinely omniscient viewpoint (like that
found in classical novels) can easily prove that the Commune was
objectively doomed to failure and could not have been successfully
consummated. They forget that for those who really lived it, the
consummation was already there." This could be a motto for Watkins'
s film. He knows the objective reasons for the Commune's failure,
but those aren't what he made the film for. He's more interested
in the immanent "consummation" in the experience of the Commune.
To give Watkins the last word (from a text on his Web site): "What
happened in Paris in the spring of 1871 represented (and still represents)
the idea of commitment to a struggle for a better world, and of
the need for some form of collective social Utopia-which WE now
need as desperately as dying people need plasma."
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IN
THE HOT-HOUSE OF REVOLUTION 
La Commune is an extraordinary film in many ways, mainly because it
is probably the most extensive and fully explored representation of
a revolution in recent cinema history. It's a profound, intellectually
engaging film about the social forces at play in the Paris Commune,
a vivid retelling of how and why ordinary people, in Marx's words,
had been 'storming heaven' to set up the first workers' democracy.
La Commune tells the story of why the Paris Commune was established
in 1871. After the humiliating defeat of Louis Bonaparte's forces
by Bismarck's Prussian army, the reins of power were taken up by the
reactionary Republican government. The Parisian masses were held in
siege conditions as Bismarck pressed for punitive reparations. Thiers,
the new head of government, betrayed the masses and launched an assault
on the insurrection.
In Part One we see, through the vantage point of radical Commune television
and a laughably reactionary bourgeois television channel, the key
turning points of the revolution, how the city came under control
of the people, armed and determined to change their lives for the
better. We are then treated to a wide ranging series of interviews
that presents the hopes, fears and aspirations for all the social
classes in Paris--from bourgeois ladies to school children. La Commune
conveys the excitement of revolution with remarkable vividness and
authenticity.
Part Two is even more engaging, with its heated debates concerning
the democratic effectiveness of the National Committee and the Commune,
the political role of women, the pitfalls of workers' co-operatives,
racism in France today and the Commune's relevance. The story ends
with the horrific massacre of 30,000 Communards.
Peter Watkins, the radical British director renowned for his brilliant
anti-nuclear movie The War Game (1966), still banned by the British
censors, has defied the establishment again with this broadside against
media manipulation and sham democracy, amongst other issues. He also
presents a formidable challenge to the audience, as the film is over
five hours long. Arguably it compels the audience to suspend the usual
soundbite approach to ideas, requiring us to explore complex political
arguments from a variety of positions. La Commune is heavily influenced
by the ideas of the German socialist dramatist Bertolt Brecht, with
a 1960s twist--focusing on an ensemble cast rather than an individual
tale, actors move in and out of character, and inter-titles provide
wry, biting commentary. Shot in black and white, the sole location
is a studio transformed into the claustrophobic hot-house atmosphere
of revolution. Some 220 local people were recruited to perform roles
in the film. One of the most exciting and original aspects of this
project is to hear ordinary people heatedly debate ideas thrown up
by the film and the prospects for fundamental social change. The whirlwind
of revolution is so tangible in this film that actors and audience
alike are caught in its vortex.
In a recent interview in Le Monde Diplomatique, Watkins said that
the aim of the film is to debate alternative forms of democracy and
ultimately to encourage revolutionary struggle, which is indispensable
at this dawn of the new millennium. We are experiencing a renaissance
in radical film-making similar to 1930s France. La Commune is to the
anti-capitalist movement what Jean Renoir's La Marseillaise, partially
funded by the French Communist Party, was to the mood behind the French
Popular Front--a plea for solidarity, a point of inspiration, a veritable
call to arms.
Stephen Philip |
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The
Village Voice
The
Revolution Is Televised
Anarchy Then and Now
by J. Hoberman
July 2 - 8, 2003
So far as mental fireworks go, the Fourth of July weekend is unlikely
to offer anything more spectacular than Peter Watkins's masterpiece
La Commune (Paris, 1871). Dynamic historical reconstruction in the
form of an experimental documentary, Watkins's six-hour feature was
made in DV for (and largely buried by) French TV; it's as much immersion
as narrative-complicated yet lucid and contagiously exciting.
The Second Empire collapsed in 1870 as France faced defeat at the
hands of Bismarck's Prussia. The weak new republican government fled
to Versailles; workers and radical intellectuals took control of Paris,
held elections, made laws, and administered the city for two months
until they were crushed by the reconstituted French army and the victorious
Prussians. At least 20,000 Communards, including women and children,
were killed in street-by-street fighting; thousands more were massacred
or imprisoned afterward. Still a sensitive subject, the Commune is
minimally taught in French schools. (Before Watkins, the lone movie
treatment was the delirious Soviet silent New Babylon.)
"The Commune as test of the revolutionary legend," reads one of Walter
Benjamin's notes for his Arcade Project-and it is also the test of
Watkins's radical film practice. Over the course of his fiercely independent
career, Watkins (after nearly 40 years still best known for his BBC-banned
"documentary" of nuclear holocaust, The War Game) has more or less
reinvented historical filmmaking. This visually spare, conceptually
rich, and unobtrusively beautiful re-creation of a doomed political
utopia was entirely filmed in a derelict factory; it begins with a
few of the actors, most of whom are non-professional, introducing
themselves and touring the abandoned, debris-strewn set. Thereafter,
the spectacle proceeds in the present tense, literally-mainly in direct
address as characters explain their situation, with astonishing force
and conviction, to each other, as well as to the guerrilla media enthusiasts
of Watkins's imaginary "Commune TV."
Sustained over a period of hours, this impassioned hubbub conveys
tremendous immediacy. (In The Universal Clock, a Canadian documentary
on Watkins that Anthology is also showing, the filmmaker can be seen
pacing, pointing, and even jumping for emphasis as he conducts the
unfolding action.) La Commune is meant to evoke the unfamiliar sensation
of revolutionary euphoria, of living-and dying-in a sacred time. Watkins's
cast members researched their characters as much as they learned their
lines; their performances are less a matter of acting than role-playing.
In their 1962 "Theses on the Paris Commune," the French Situationists
noted that those who examine history from "the omniscient viewpoint
of God [or] the classical novelist . . . can easily prove that the
Commune was objectively doomed. . . . They forget that for those who
really lived it, the fulfillment was already there." And so it is
here. Focused on process and profoundly anachronistic, La Commune
was unfashionably intended to change the lives of its participants.
Watkins's remarkable ensemble piece is a portrait of the public; the
actors are always in some sense talking as themselves. Discussion
of 1871 easily segues to present-day concerns-there are even meetings
to discuss the film. The reporters, meanwhile, interrogate their own
points of view, and the action is frequently interrupted by bulletins
from the government's Versailles Television, which has its own suitably
foppish newsreader as well as a resident pundit (a royalist historian
Watkins recruited through an ad in Le Figaro). The director, who used
a similar strategy of interpolated TV reporting in his first feature,
Culloden (1964), knows his newsroom clichés. Indeed, the rise of a
media monolith has long been one of his major issues. Like Culloden,
La Commune is in good measure an action film that builds inexorably
to a powerful climax. This syncretic work of left-wing modernism-suggesting
not only Brecht and Vertov but Soviet mass spectacle and didactic
Godard-is at once immediate and self-reflexive. Watkins restages history
in its own ruins, uses the media as a frame, and even so, manages
to imbue his narrative with amazing presence. No less than the event
it chronicles, La Commune is a triumph of spontaneous action.
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New
York Post
July
3, 2003 -- EVER wonder how television would have covered the Civil
War or the American Revolution?
In "La Commune (Paris, 1871)," controversial British-born filmmaker
Peter Watkins imagines how the volatile events that shook France in
1871 would have looked on live TV. On March 17 and 18 of that year,
during the Franco-Prussian War, Parisians led an uprising against
the national government, which fled to Versailles.
To fill the void, workers and intellectuals set up a people's government
in Paris they called La Commune. It lasted two months before being
put down in a bloodbath that took 30,000 lives. Watkins' nearly six-hour
(yes, six-hour) experimental documentary, shot on digital video, covers
the revolution and its aftermath as if they were happening live on
TV.
Mainly, we see the events through Commune TV, set up by the radicals,
with frequent interruptions by an official government station and
by intertitles, which try to put the events into context.
Shot in black-and-white, "The Commune" brings to mind coverage of
U.S. political conventions during TV's early years. You almost expect
Huntley and Brinkley to pop up. Daring and unique, "La Commune" makes
perfect viewing for the Fourth of July, which commemorates America's
own revolution. |
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The
New York Times
July
3, 2003, Thursday
THE ARTS/CULTURAL DESK FILM REVIEW
It's Paris in 1871, and You Are There
By DAVE KEHR
At 67, Peter Watkins remains a restless radical, creating films
that spectacularly defy narrative conventions, entrenched ideologies
and, it must be said, the patience of his viewers. With a running
time of 5 hours 45 minutes, Mr. Watkins's most recent film, ''La
Commune (Paris, 1871),'' is far from his longest work, but in many
ways it is his most ambitious. (The longest, ''The Journey,'' a
1987 survey of the nuclear arms race, was 12 hours.)
Centered on the story of the Paris Commune, the working-class insurgency
that briefly ruled the French capital in 1871, Mr. Watkins's film
is at once a provocative account of a neglected episode in social
history, a call to arms against the contemporary injustices of capitalism,
a critique of the mass media and an experiment in collective filmmaking
that recalls the heady days after France's last mass rebellion in
May 1968. ''La Commune'' opens today with its New York theatrical
premiere at Anthology Film Archives in the East Village.
In these risk-averse times, it is a pleasure to see a film that
fails by attempting too much. Frustrating and demanding as it may
be, ''La Commune (Paris, 1871)'' is essential viewing for anyone
interested in taking an exploratory step outside the Hollywood norms.
Mr. Watkins, despite the large body of work he produced later, remains
perhaps best known for ''The War Game,'' his pioneering 1965 mock
documentary, which used the techniques of television reporting to
depict the aftermath of nuclear war in a British city. (Though totally
fictional, it won the Oscar for best documentary in 1967).
''La Commune (Paris, 1871)'' extends those documentary techniques,
imagining a 19th-century Paris equipped with television (although
black-and-white). Most of the film is reported by a pair of eagerly
partisan anchors on Commune TV. The opposing viewpoint, that of
the bourgeois government that fled to the safe suburban haven of
Versailles, is presented by a mustachioed fop who is the host of
the news on Versailles TV.
''La Commune'' was shot in 1999 entirely in an abandoned factory
in Montreuil, a Paris suburb, dressed to suggest the streets of
the working-class 11th Arrondissement and populated by some 220
amateur and professional actors. Mr. Watkins involved his cast in
doing their own research on the characters, actual or composite,
they would be playing. The performers then had to divide into groups
representing the conflicting factions in the drama: members of the
National Guard, who deserted the government to support the Commune;
the neighborhood politicians, who rose to prominence as the Commune
became more centralized and authoritarian; the bourgeoisie (curiously,
most represented by angry, umbrella-wielding women), who opposed
the Commune; and the oppressed populace of seamstresses, laundresses
and artisans, the Commune's most passionate participants.
Bringing these figures into largely improvised conflict, Mr. Watkins
creates long, minimally edited sequences in which great issues of
social justice and radical reform are debated in luxuriant detail.
He also lets his performers step out of character and comment on
their own roles, their comfort level in playing the personalities
they have adopted and how they see the issues of ''La Commune''
reflected in contemporary French politics.
If the film has a single conceptual weakness, it is Mr. Watkins's
inability to distinguish between debate and hysterical assertion,
the latter being the most frequent path of improvisational actors
eager to call attention to themselves. Too much of the movie is
played out in bursts of righteous indignation that seem far more
like acting exercises than intellectual exchange.
The history seems, at least to this inexpert viewer, solid enough,
and Mr. Watkins does not hide the contradictions of the Commune
to create a naïvely utopian vision of the movement. The film may
argue the necessity of a sweeping egalitarian revolution, but it
also suggests its impossibility. If everyone has an equal say, there
are no bosses, and if there are no bosses, there is no organization.
The Commune collapses partly because of its own nonhierarchical
ideals, which give an angry seamstress as much say in strategy as
a professional soldier. ''Everyone debates,'' one character says,
''no one obeys.''
Where ''The Commune'' may have bitten off more that it can comfortably
masticate is in its critique of television news. The technique of
the two reporters, who stick their microphone in the faces of assorted
communards and demand, ''Who are you and what are you doing?,''
is obtrusive and alienating, and it seems to refer to an earlier,
more naïve period when television journalism was rooted in the cinéma
vérité style of the 1960's -- when Mr. Watkins was a producer for
the BBC. Only C-Span would now broadcast the long, uninterrupted
discourses that Mr. Watkins presents as a staple of Commune TV.
Today's cable news channels would reduce them each to 10-second
sound bites surrounded by flashy graphics and framed by running
news tickers. Contemporary news channels present a kind of simultaneous
reductiveness and overload that squelches reflection and analysis
far more thoroughly than the blatant political partisanship of Mr.
Watkins's fictional reporters.
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Christian
Science Monitor
Four
Stars **** (Excellent)
Watkins envisions the historical events surrounding a real-life experiment
in radical democracy carried out by Parisian proletarians and their
allies in the 19th century. The film also comments on media issues
of today by imagining that the uprising of 1871 was covered by journalists
with both progressive and conservative agendas. It takes time to grow
accustomed to the docu- drama's stylized approach, influenced by Bertolt
Brecht and Jean-Luc Godard. But this nearly six-hour movie is generous
with time. |
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Review
by Victoria E. Thompson
Arizona
State University, for H-France, August 2003.
(http://h-france.net/)
Peter Watkins' La Commune (Paris 1871) is a thought-provoking and
moving tribute to the desire for a better world. It is unconventional,
both in its method of filming and in its approach to history. While
this unconventionality makes it a challenge to think about how to
make use of this film effectively and practically in the history
classroom, it also provides a unique and rewarding glimpse into
a process of great interest to historians, that of collective, revolutionary
action.
Some viewers will not like this film. In the beginning, I reacted
negatively to the length of the film, the emphasis on discussion
over action, the anachronistic presence of television reporters,
the repetitious discussions, and the references to current issues
in debates among participants. These elements have led some to conclude
that the film is "not finished" or "amateurish." Yet as I continued
to watch the film, I found myself increasingly drawn into the process
that Watkins was trying to set in motion.
La Commune (Paris 1871) is five hours and forty-five minutes long
in French (available with English subtitles). The film was conceived
and directed by Peter Watkins, known for films such as The War Game
(1965) and The Freethinker (1992-4). It was filmed in black and
white by cinematographer Odd Geir Saether and included a cast of
over 220 individuals, 60 percent of whom had no prior acting experience.
It is a joint production of 13 Production, La Sept ARTE and the
Musée d'Orsay.
The film traces the events of the 1871 Paris Commune in the eleventh
arrondissement of Paris. More accurately, it traces reactions of
both participants and bystanders to the events of the Paris Commune
and gives us a sense of daily life under the Commune. None of the
"big" events of the Commune--such as the assassination of Archbishop
Darboy or the burning of the Hôtel de Ville--are recreated on camera.
However, we do see a glimpse into some of the "small" events: a
civil marriage, a classroom previously taught by nuns now taught
by lay schoolteachers, a meeting of the Union des Femmes (a group
formed during the Commune to advance the cause of women's rights),
a group of Communards defending a barricade.
The film intersperses text that recounts the major events of the
Commune: scenes of an actor representing Adolph Thiers speaking
to the Assembly at Versailles; news reporting on the Commune broadcast
by an invented television network "TV Nationale Versailles"; scenes
in the apartment of Madame Talbot, whose letters to her daughter
relate a bourgeois woman's experience of the Commune, and the actions
and opinions of a group of inhabitants of the eleventh arrondissement.
The eleventh arrondissement is recreated on a set that retains its
artificiality. Indeed, the first scene of the film takes us on a
tour of the set where most of the filming will take place. The goal,
according to Watkins, was to " 'hover' between reality and theatricality."[1]
Before filming began, the cast was instructed to read up on the
Commune and on the individuals who participated. This individual
research was in addition to the research carried out by Watkins'
team, who looked into the history of the Commune and into daily
life in the second half of the nineteenth century. According to
Watkins' website, they were aided in their work by historians such
as Alain Dalotel, Michel Cordillot, Marcel Cerf, Robert Tombs, and
Jacques Rougerie. Throughout the film, participants read stories
from period newspapers and quote theorists and actual members of
the Commune. However, while the film is historically accurate in
its recounting of the events and in such details as costume and
songs, it can by no means be considered a reconstruction of the
Paris Commune. Rather, the film uses the Paris Commune as a means
to question both past and present.
Most of the film is devoted to discussion. In the first tape, inhabitants
of the eleventh arrondissement articulate their grievances with
the government and the Catholic church: poverty, poor housing conditions,
a growing gap between rich and poor, and religious control of schooling.
In small and large groups, individuals discuss the harsh conditions
under which they work and live. As the film progresses, discussion
focuses on the events of the Commune, and on the way TV Versailles
portrays these events. Commune TV is created to counter inaccurate
representations, and its two reporters move throughout the crowds
of Communards, eliciting and recording reactions to events. Discussion
moves, over the course of the film, from the causes of the rebellion
to its internal workings. Participants discuss the best means to
create a new society, the principles upon which that society should
be based, and the problems that face revolutionary movements that
try to walk a line between democracy and order. At one point in
tape four, for example, members of the National Guard discuss power
sharing. One participant says, "It's something of a contradiction.
This hierarchy with people who manipulate and centralize power and
give orders that sometimes get us, our friends, and brothers killed
on the field because of tactical errors. Who's really calling the
tune here? Us, the Committee of Public Safety the Sub-Committees,
who?" (Tape 4, 00:02).
According to Watkins' website, the film was largely unscripted.
Participants read about the Commune, and then further developed
their understanding and opinion of the event in discussion with
others while making the film. This gives the film a remarkable sense
of immediacy. When participants are debating whether or not business
owners should distribute profits to their workers or the validity
of establishing a Committee of Public Safety, they are really debating
the question rather than reciting a script they have been given.
Their spontaneously invented dialogue gives the viewer a sense of
what participants might have said; the interpretation of the Commune
that emerges as a result is the work of a group rather than one
individual author. Due to this process, the emotion and spontaneity
that is part of impassioned public debate comes through strongly
in this film, and gives the viewer an amazing sense of what it might
have been like to be in Paris in the spring of 1871.
By the third tape, discussions based on past events begin transitioning
into discussions based on the present. Characters in costume begin
reflecting on their own experiences as actors in this film and compare
past and present, focusing on the continuities between the two.
One participant, for example, remarks, "More than a century later,
we've sent people to the moon, etc. But it's exactly the same thing.
Homelessness, precariousness, destitution. Growing inequalities
. . . ." (Tape 3, 00:48). This sense that the problems faced by
the Communards are still problems today is voiced by many of the
participants in the film, and is emphasized by the interspersed
text, which begins to tie past issues into the present. For example,
in the third tape, a discussion on problems facing women in 1871
France among members of the Union des Femmes is interspersed with
text that provides statistics on the situation of women in France
in 1999. One such statistic notes, for example, that while more
women than men obtain university degrees, women dominate in the
secretarial field.
While highlighting similarities between past and present, participants
also indicate areas of difference. Globalization and the mass media
take a big hit in this film, as agents that, respectively, contribute
to the gap between rich and poor and that lull individuals into
a sense of false comfort. The "sans-papiers" (undocumented immigrants)
are identified in the second half of the film as present-day counterparts
to the Communards; in both cases the film presents these groups
as marginalized and oppressed by forces outside of their control.
The role of the media is also a major component of the film. Indeed,
in the opening scenes, the viewer is told that this is a film about
both the Commune and the role of the mass media. The anachronism
of the rival television stations--TV Versailles and Commune TV--is
meant to demonstrate both how the media distorts events and how
it encourages passivity. So, for example, we see a report on the
women of the Commune broadcast by TV Versailles that would have
(if it were historically accurate) laid the basis for the myth of
the "Pétroleuses." We also see scenes of Communards sitting silently
in a café watching television broadcasts. By the end of the film,
however, the Communards reject the distortion and passivity of the
media. One woman, getting ready to defend the barricade she and
others have built, declares, "The biggest pain in the ass is that
you're still here recording, watching everything […] You have to
join us. Drop your microphone." (Tape 4, 00:53)
Peter Watkins has long been a critic of conventional methods of
filmmaking and of the dominance of films produced in Hollywood.
On his website, he argues that both the form and process of mass
media productions create passivity in viewers and encourage their
acceptance of globalization. He writes, "This 'vision' of the way
in which our planet 'has to develop' (a keynote for globalization
is the idea that it is inevitable) is not only enforced by most
governments around the world, it is promulgated daily by global
TV and by the cinema of Hollywood (and its European and Asian clones)."[2]
It does this, he contends, by presenting both current events and
history in a certain way, leaving out alternative viewpoints and
outcomes, and employing a fast pace, frequent cuts, and a short
time span, to stifle any possibility of critical reflection: "This
fragmented, extremely rapid, densely packed and constantly moving
narrative structure is the antithesis of any reflective, questioning,
complex, participatory process possible within TV and the cinema."[3]
In La Commune (Paris 1871), Watkins sought to produce a film based
on alternative forms and processes, one that would encourage critical
reflection in the viewer and participation by the actors in the
process of telling the story. He has succeeded on both counts. The
length of the film, the time given to discussion of issues--both
past and present--and the insight the film provides into the process
of social change invites reflection both on the state of the world
today and on the process of historical change on the part of the
viewer. One cannot help, for example, reflecting upon the difficulties
faced by revolutionaries as they strive to create something new,
and yet are inevitably limited by their need to make use of existing
institutions and practices. The participants in the film were also
clearly drawn to reflect upon the historical moment they were recreating.
"What impressed me," one of the actors says, "is that the Commune
opens up many paths and reflections on its failures" (Tape 3, 01:27).
Indeed, the participants become increasingly articulate on the challenges
inherent in the process of revolutionary change, debating the wisdom
of moves such as establishing a Committee of Public Safety, or maintaining
certain pre-existing taxes. The most poignant moment of reflection
comes near the end of the film, during the final "Bloody Week" of
the Commune when the participants are getting ready to meet the
forces of Versailles on the barricades. The reporters of Commune
TV move through the crowd, asking participants if they would take
to the barricades today. The responses reveal a sense of frustration
and a desire for change that must have prompted the real Communards
to risk their lives, while at the same time giving us a sense of
their courage and their fear. At the end, when the participants
are lined up against the wall, awaiting execution, we see on their
faces expressions of anger, horror, fear and sorrow. We have spent
long hours watching them try, and fail, to bring about revolutionary
change and, like them, we have been changed in the process.
La Commune is a film worth seeing, and a film worth showing to students.
While the anachronistic presence of TV reporters in 1871 risks confusing
some students, the film's ability to depict the process of revolution
makes it a valuable teaching tool. The film could be of use in a
course on the Commune, on comparative revolutions, or on modern
France. It raises interesting questions on the use and representation
of history, and could be profitably compared to a historical monograph
on the Commune or to a primary source recounting the events. But
how to use it? At five hours and forty-five minutes, several weeks
of the semester, or two long evenings outside of class would need
to be devoted simply to viewing the film. One of the drawbacks,
from a pedagogical point, of view is that showing a short segment
of the film would not be worthwhile, because this would not allow
students to experience fully the process of change the film captures.
While the logistics of figuring out how to show the film in its
entirety present a challenge, many instructors would no doubt find
the effort worthwhile.
NOTES
[1] Watkins, Peter. "Production Background, La Commune de Paris."
http://www.peterwatkins.lt/varyk.htm
(6 June 2003).
[2] Watkins, Peter. "The global crisis, the MAVM, and media education
Summary of the web-site"
http://www.peterwatkins.lt/varyk.htm
(6 June 2003).
[3] Ibid. Victoria E. Thompson Arizona State University
victoria.thompson@asu.edu
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VARIETY
By
EDDIE COCKRELL
White-knuckle thriller, history lesson, polemical mass-media critique,
genre-bending docudrama: British provocateur Peter Watkins' "La
Commune (Paris 1871)," the 12th film in a thematically consistent
career that's endured nearly four decades of controversy, stages
the violent Parisian anarchist uprising of 1871 as a televised media
event on interlocking and labyrinthine sets on a makeshift warehouse
soundstage. Taped in stark black-and-white and clocking in 15 minutes
shy of six hours, invigorating pic is big, passionate and brimming
with compelling human details and broad sociopolitical idealism.
Extreme length aside, "La Commune" is an involving, important work
that reps a high-profile event for fests and distribs, as well as
a prestige buy for cablers the world over.
During the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71, radical Republicans and
socialists in Paris revolted against the Versailles-based elected
National Assembly, which they viewed as composed of unrepentant
monarchists who caved in to the demands of Prussian prime minister
Otto von Bismarck.
In mid-March of 1871, the Parisians -- themselves splintered into
numerous political camps -- formed a proletarian dictatorship that
segued into the Communards via an elected municipal council dubbed
the Central Committee of the National Guard. This worker-friendly
provisional government passed numerous new laws favoring individual
rights, but before they could be enacted, troops were sent from
Versailles to crush the uprising. The resulting slaughter of anarchists
and innocent citizens alike, which lasted from March 21-28, claimed
about 25,000 lives and has become known as Bloody Week.
Pic immediately breaks the fourth wall with establishing p.o.v.
shot of nearly empty soundstage, on which the white-haired director
can be glimpsed peering intently into a video monitor with his crew.
Hung loosely around the intrepid man-on-the-street interviews of
a tense pair of Commune TV correspondents, narrative follows the
intricate political machinations of the populace and the military,
who speak directly to the camera throughout.
A procession of plain-talking citizens states beefs and allegiances,
punctuated by intertitles providing details on developments. Workers
bicker with their shopkeeper boss, while a talking head on state
TV warns of danger from Algerian immigrants.
Soon a somber reporter from National TV Versailles is breaking into
unseen local programming to broadcast "official" versions of events,
outright lies that inflame residents further and set the stage for
violent revolt. National Assembly leader Adolphe Thiers (nicknamed
"little runt" by Parisians) takes to the airwaves to deliver stiff,
inflammatory rhetoric. As the election results are announced, citizens
come together to lustily bellow choruses of "La Marseillaise" and
celebrate their unity.
Euphoria gives way to apprehension as internecine bickering among
the newly elected officials -- and their decisions to hold closed-door
meetings -- erodes the public's confidence. The separation of church
and state is debated, as are the pros and cons of women in the military.
As part one ends, civil war seems unavoidable.
As part two gets under way, efforts to calm the populace are being
neutralized by the new red tape of myriad rules and regulations
conceived to provide order. Representatives of a newly formed woman's
group are almost comically frustrated in their efforts to get meeting
space in an official building An extended debate on women's rights
segues to a male-only pub bull session. Over time, thesps begin
breaking character to discuss their reactions to the film thus far,
and, if this is pic's most challenging passage, it's also a riveting
way for Watkins to employ his careerlong strategy of tying the past
to the present.
In pic's final two hours, the journalists quarrel with each other
over the veracity of their reports and a palpable sense of foreboding
descends over all. In agonizing detail, Watkins charts the fractious
events leading up to Bloody Week and the massacre itself, in vivid
yet determinedly non-sensationalistic fashion.
Helmer is no stranger to the heady mix of media and reality: His
1964 debut "Culloden" employs much the same kind of structure in
its re-creation of the last battle fought on British soil, and he
won 1965's docu Oscar for controversial nuclear holocaust-themed
"The War Game." The 200-plus non-professionals in the cast perform
with fierce veracity, and in true communal spirit are listed alphabetically
under some three dozen class groupings ("The 66th Battalion," "The
Children," "The Talbot Family").
Tech credits are tops, with nimble hand-held Betacams of Odd Geir
Saither and crew seemingly everywhere at once. No effort is made
to mask bare walls of the warehouse, giving events a surreal otherworldliness
that somehow heightens the tension. Pic is officially divided into
two parts of 164 and 181 minutes, but was shown at Toronto fest
on five videocassettes, with a single 15-minute break at the 3:36
mark. In any configuration, "La Commune" is powerful, heady stuff.
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